[T]he party remains in lock step behind a man who has arguably done more to promote racial violence than any American since Nathan Bedford Forrest, who helped found the Ku Klux Klan, a terrorist organization if there ever was one — and who was recently honored by the Republican governor of Tennessee.
Anyway, the party’s complicity started long before Trump came on the scene.
More than a decade ago, the Department of Homeland Security issued a report warning about a surge of right-wing extremism.
The report was prescient, to say the least.
But when congressional Republicans learned about it, they went on a rampage, demanding the resignation of Janet Napolitano, who headed the agency, and insisted that even using the term “right-wing extremism” was unacceptable.
This backlash was effective: Homeland Security drastically scaled back its efforts to monitor and head off what was already becoming a major threat.
In effect, Republicans bullied law enforcement into creating a safe space for potential terrorists, as long as their violent impulses were motivated by the right kind of hatred.
. . . .
No doubt some members of Congress, and a significant number of Trump administration officials, very much including the tweeter in chief, really are white supremacists.
And a much larger fraction — almost surely bigger than anyone wants to admit — are racists.
(Recently released tapes of conversations between Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon reveal that the modern G.O.P.’s patron saint was, in fact, a crude racist who called Africans “monkeys.”)
But racism isn’t what drives the Republican establishment . . . .
But racism isn’t what drives the Republican establishment . . . .
The central story of U.S. politics since the 1970s is the takeover of the Republican Party by economic radicals, determined to slash taxes for the wealthy while undermining the social safety net.
With the arguable exception of George H.W. Bush, every Republican president since 1980 has pushed through tax cuts that disproportionately benefited the 1 percent while trying to defund and/or privatize key social programs like Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act.
This agenda is, however, unpopular. Most voters believe that the rich should pay more, not less, in taxes, and want spending on social programs to rise, not fall.
So how do Republicans win elections? By appealing to racial animus.
This is such an obvious fact of American political life that you have to be willfully blind not to see it.
. . . .
[T]here are more and more angry white people out there willing to commit mayhem — and able to do so because those same Republicans have blocked any effective control over sales of assault weapons.
A different, better G.O.P. might have been willing to acknowledge the growing threat and supported a crackdown on violent right-wing extremism, comparable to the F.B.I.’s successful campaign against the modern K.K.K. in the 1960s.
A lot of innocent victims would be alive today if Republicans had done so.
But they didn’t, because admitting that right-wing extremism was a threat, or even a phrase law enforcement should be allowed to use, might have threatened the party’s exploitation of racial hostility to achieve its economic goals.
In effect, then, the Republican Party decided that a few massacres were an acceptable price to pay in return for tax cuts.
And yet he's wrong.
They don't sell tax cuts with racism, alone.
There is Christianism, homophobia, Islamophobia, abortion, and a lot more, really.
Everything we identify with Republicanism that isn't racism.
And yet he's wrong.
They don't sell tax cuts with racism, alone.
There is Christianism, homophobia, Islamophobia, abortion, and a lot more, really.
Everything we identify with Republicanism that isn't racism.
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